Schools:


  • Fachhochschule Hamburg, Fachbereich Bibliothek und Information (University of Applied Science, Library and Information Management).

  • Former Talmud Tora Realschule (Talmud Torah School).
  • from 1929 onward also in the house at No. 38 Grindelhof.
  • Later Talmud Tora Schule (Volks- und Oberrealschule).
  • Later Talmud Tora Schule (Volks- und Oberschule).
  • Later Talmud Tora Schule.
  • Later Hansische Hochschule für Lehrerbildung (Hansa Teacher Training College).
  • Later Berufspädagogisches Institut und Lehrerinnenbildungsanstalt (No. 30 Grindelhof), (Vocational Training Institute and Women Teachers' Training Institute).
  • Former Hochschule für Lehrerbildung (Teacher Training College).
  • Later Deportation Assembly Building.
    No. 30 Grindelhof.

    © Wilhelm Mosel, Deutsch-jüdische Gesellschaft Hamburg.


No. 30 Grindelhof, Talmud Tora Realschule, today.

The former Talmud Tora Realschule was built by the architect Ernst Friedheim, and officially opened on 20.12.1911.

In 1909, the Hamburg Senat (executive), notified the Bürgerschaft (parliament) that the school board had the intention of transferring the school accommodated in two houses in Kohlhöfen, in the Neustadt district, to a newly built school in another district of the city. The circa 4,000 m² property, owned by the city, situated in Grindelhof next to the Bornplatz Synagogue, appeared ideal to the school board. The Senat moved that the property be sold to the school.

No. 30 Grindelhof, Talmud Tora Realschule (left), Bornplatz Synagogue (partial view, right), 1911.

The school building had three storeys: the groundfloor contained 5 classrooms, the headteacher's office, a conference room, and a map room. The rear wing housed the gymnasium with a gallery enabling it to be used as an assembly hall. The first floor housed 5 classrooms, a conference room and the staff-room. The second floor housed a further 5 classrooms.

Teachers of the Talmud Tora School with Dr. Joseph Goldschmidt (front row, fourth from the left).

At the opening of the new school at No. 30 Grindelhof in 1911, Dr. Joseph Goldschmidt continued as headteacher. He had been such since 1889. At the opening of the new school he summarized the educational goals of the school so:
"We strive for three ideals. The first is the Jewish faith. The second, is, through the study of German literature and history, to learn to appreciate, love and respect that which is "characteristically German". Being true to oneself and others, steadfastness and strength, earnestness and courage are what distinguish the "German man". We can be proud to be members of a nation that, through its virtue, "towers above all other nations". The third is that we are committed, heart and soul, to our beautiful, beloved city of Hamburg."

This nationalism was incompatible with Zionism. When the Warburg family wanted to make a large donation to the school in memory of the 1910 deceased Moritz M. Warburg, who had greatly supported the school in the past, Goldschmidt, and others, made it clear that it was not his job to educate "additional pupils" to become "hebrew speaking settlers for Palestine", rather to produce loyal citizens of "our German fatherland".

Moritz M. Warburg (1838-1910).

Dr. Joseph Carlebach became head of the school on 1.04.1921. He reproached the school for being "ossified", and described it, and other schools, as being a "poor imitation" of the secular, state schools. His desire to restructure education in the school sprang from a combination of orthodox and zionist views. He wished to reanimate the national content of language, country and culture within the Jewish religion. The living language of the people and culure of "Israel" was to be formed from the dead Hebrew language and the language of worship. In a letter to the Education Authority dated 17.02.1924, Dr. Carlebach, and the school board, set out in concrete terms a restructuring of the school.

The most important proposals were: from Easter on, to convert the Vorschule (three years schooling prior to secondary school - in operation until 1920) into a Jewish Grundschule (primary school). Those pupils in the Sexta (former entry class of a grammar school, i.e. 5th school year) that were unable to pass the examination leading to the Quinta (second year of grammar school, i.e. 6th school year) were to enter the 5th year of the Volksschule (previously a school providing basic primary and secondary education) that was fed from the newly established primary school. The foundations were thereby laid for a Jewish Volksschule of 8 years duration.

In a further letter, dated 21.01.1926, Dr Carlebach, informed the Education Authority, in the name of the school board, that due to financial reasons the Volksschule and Realschule were to temporarily remain in one building under one headteacher.

Dr. Joseph Carlebach, Director of the Talmud Tora School from 1921-1926.

On 4.08.1925, Dr Carlebach was chosen Chief-Rabbi of the Hochdeutschen Israelitischen Gemeinde in Altona (High German Israelite Community in Altona). In this connection the Altona community requested a reference from the Hamburg Education Authority. In their reference, the Education Authority attested that Dr Carlebach had been headteacher of the Talmud Tora Realschule since 1.04.1921, and in this capacity had proved to be a "good educationalist" and "thoroughly competent administrator". His copious knowledge and his "sense of justice" had quickly gained him the respect and trust of his staff, and the "admiration of his pupils", which was acknowledged by the parents. They could only commend his "energetic" and "attentive" work for the school.

He did not depart the school until 11.04.1926.
On the occasion of Dr. Carlebach's departure from the school the Jewish community paper wrote:
"He began his work with "zeal" and succeeded in assembling a team of enthusiastic, young teachers. His eloquence, his wealth of ideas and his "great kindness" were brought to bear in the restructuring of the school, all done with tremendous energy, enthusing others and surmounting all the material difficulties of the post First World War years with a smile of confidence. The "heat of enthusiasm" had gripped both teachers and pupils, and even the oldest members of staff were affected. He brought countless new ideas to staff meetings.

Talmud Tora School, Exhibition of Work and Art, section.

The rooms were decorated with exemplary pictures. The excellent art teaching was due to his stimulus and the relentless effort of the excellent art teacher Kallmann Rothschild II. School journeys were regularly organized. Individual work of pupils and the concept of the Arbeitsschule (Georg Kerschensteiner, 1854-1932), where the personal initiative of the child was emphasized, became popular. A school orchestra was founded by the young Dr. Joseph Jacobsen. Study groups comprising teachers, and teachers and pupils were initiated. The teachers were entrusted with the mind and "soul" of their pupils and this was to be the foundation of teaching.

Dr. Carlebach always had the trust of his pupils to an unprecedented degree. His enthusiasm and "flow of ideas" were communicated to his pupils. Their delight in the school was visible and a reluctance to attend school practically unknown.

Talmud Tora School, Pupils at work in the School Garden.

In conclusion are several reports about the Talmud Tora Realschule during the period in which Dr. Carlebach was headteacher:
A nephew of Dr. Carlebach, Haim H. Cohn, later judge inthe High Court in Israel, reports:
Earlier day trips into the immediate vicinity were a regular occurance. However, Dr. Carlebach introduced journeys of one or two weeks to places further afield. Herr Cohn remembers a journey he made with his class down the river Rhein from Cologne to Mainz in which no town, castle, wood or hill was excluded. Each day began and ended with a swim in the Rhein: "the dignified Rabbi with long beard and hairy body in front with dozens of boys behind, spraying and splashing to the visible pleasure of a growing number of onlookers who had never seen the like before." Dr. Carlebach spent an entire day with the boys in the Cologne Cathedral and "like an aged authority" explained every "small detail" concerning statues, windows, ornaments, ritual objects, and pictures, and every detail of Catholic ritual and the history of Catholicism.

On 20.11.1982, in Hamburg, Herr T., who attended the school between 1917-1924, gave the following account:
He does not have happy memories of his school days his parents having been poor. Children of poor parents were beaten more often than others. This changed with the appointment of Dr. Carlebach as he stopped all beatings.

Another former pupil Herr G., now in New York, who left school in 1924 and began a business training gave the following account while on a visit to Hamburg in June 1982:
Normally, the school janitor Sigmund Aron had the job of beating the boys (on the backside). One day he told me to go away. He said he had no time for such stupidity.

Herr G. had Dr. Carlebach for Hebrew and remembered him well.

The employment of Arthur Spier as the new headteacher took place after the farewell party for Dr. Carlebach. On 29.11.1926 Arthur Spier wrote to the Education Authority reiterating the desire for recognition of a separate Volksschule (a school providing basic primary ans secondary education). He offered to bear the cost of the primary school and Volkschule, while he requested the continued state susidizing of the Realschule. He pointed out that the Deutsch-Israelitische Gemeinde (German Israelite Community) financially supported the present Realschule. This did not bias the school in any way, it being an independent Kuratoriumsschule (school run by a board of trustees) whose strict orthodox Jewish management was stipulated in the will of the founder.

Arthur Spier, Director of the Talmud Tora School from 1926-1940.

In 1928 the Talmud Tora Realschule initiated the founding of an upper school. In a letter dated 28.11.1928 Albert Spier requested from the Education Authority that the Untersekunda (sixth year of secondary school = tenth school year) continue into the following year as Obersekunda (seventh year of secondary school = eleventh school year). His grounds were that Jewish religious law disallowed Jewish school children from attending school on Saturdays and Jewish holidays. The Education Authority had accommodatingly authorized Jewish pupils to be excluded from school on these days. In practice, however, the regular absence from school of Jewish pupils was a serious disturbance to teaching and proved an impediment to the proper running of a school. As a consequence of previously unsuccessful attempts to solve this problem practically all headtechers of state secondary schools either opposed or rejected the admission of Jewish pupils to their schools. In conclusion Spier declared that the school was prepared to comply completely with all the directions and demands regarding the improvement to the natural science laboratory, teaching materials collection, etc.

Talmud Tora School, Natural Science Lesson, section.

Between the years 1924 and 1927, 40 out of 89 Untersekunda pupils entered the Obersekunda. In the year 1924/25 the Albrecht Thaer Oberrealschule led all schools with 9 out of 10 pupils entering the Obersekunda. Pupils from the Talmud Tora School generally transferred to the Albrecht Thaer Oberrealschule, formerly in Vor dem Holstentor, in the St. Pauli-Nord district. In 1925/26 the Albrecht Thaer Oberrealschule shared its position with the Heinrich Hertz Realgymnasium, with 5 out of 14 pupils entering the Obersekunda. In 1927/28 the Oberrealschule Bogenstraße led with 4 out of 8 pupils, followed by the Albrecht Thaer Oberrealschule with only 2 pupils.

At the beginning of 1929, Spier was able to announce that the Education Authority had authorized the continuation of the Untersekunda into the Obersekunda for the year 1929/30. The establishment of an Obersekunda lay the foundation stone for the development of a secondary school with sixth form, i.e. a school with nine school years culminating with a university entrance examination.

In a letter to the Housing Department, dated 15.05.1929, Spier explained that the shortage of space in the school had compelled it to purchase the neighbouring property at No. 38 Grindelallee.

No. 38 Grindelhof, today.

In a letter dated 17.03.1932 the Senator responsible for the Secondary School Education Authority informed the Reichsminister des Innern (Home Secretary), in Berlin, that the Talmud Tora Realschule had become a secondary school with sixth form, through the extension of the school with Obersekunda, Unterprima (lower sixth) and Oberprima (upper sixth), and following the sitting of the first Reifeprufung (university entrance examination = A Levels) at Easter 1932 would be acknowledged as an Oberrealschule. Following this the school officially used the title: Tamud Tora Schule (Volks- und Oberrealschule) in its correspondence and documents. It retained this name until April 1937.

In a report to the Education Authority, dated 17.08.1934, Spier gives an interesting picture of the circumstances of the school following the so-called Machtergreifung (seizure of power) by the Nazis:
From 1923 until 1 April 1933 the school received an annual subsidy from the City of Hamburg which covered circa 60% of costs. From 1.04.1933 this subsidy was discontinued. In order to maintain the school the staff had to sacrifice a considerable part of their salary. The additional deficit was raised by the Hamburg Jewish Community, The Reichsvertretung der deutschen Juden (after 1933 known as Reichsvertretung der Juden in Deutschland (Reich Organization of German Jews/Jews in Germany). The name was changed as the Nazis did not accept the status of German Jew. This organization existed up until 1933 and was an association of Jewish provincial organizations. The 1933 founded new organization additionally included large Jewish communities and large Jewish organizations in order to officially represent the entire German Judaism), and by parents. However, the internal running of the school did not change in the least. The school enjoyed the good-will of the Education Authority and the school was subject to inspection "exactly as was the case previously", and all questions regarding the school were discussed in detail and settled with school inspector Dr. Wilhelm Oberdörffer. The school was "totally free" regarding the teaching of Jewish subjects and, due to the organization of the teaching generally, the same standards were enjoyed as in the state schools. The school also had the "same" qualifications (A-Levels) as prior to 1933. Nothing specific needed to be mentioned to state that the pupils felt "completely free" and "not oppressed" in the school. In conclusion Spier related that since April over 100 pupils had left the school to emigrate from Germany. Almost as many had transferred from state schools to the Talmud Tora School.

On 7.06.1937, Spier was still able to give a detailed account of several aspects of the teaching of Jewish subjects in the school to the Education Authority:
The Talmud Tora School was an integrated Jewish school. Above all it aspired to provide the widest possible Jewish education for all Jewish children. A pupil leaving the school should be capable of reading and understanding Bible texts in the original Hebrew. The cultivation of modern Hebrew was an important task of the Jewish school. Since circustances had gradually led to practically all Jewish school children attending the Talmud Tora School, the different religious associations (the Deutsch-Israelitischen Synagogen-Verband, the Neue Dammtor-Synagoge, and the Israelitischen Tempel-Verband) had attempted to gain influence over the teaching. However, the school had rejected all such demands.

The school could only fulfil its major task by teaching the Jewish subects "objectively and thoroughly" and "educationally tactfully" so that none of the different religious associations need have any doubts.

On 15.04.1937, the school had to change its name from Talmud Tora Schule, Volks- und Oberrealschule to Talmud Tora Schule, Volks- und Oberschule. In September 1938 the name changed again to simply Talmud Tora Schule. On 7.09.1938, Spier presented a list to Gestapo Regional Headquarters with the letterhead Talmud Tora Schule. The list comprised the 28 pupils, whose parents lived in the then pre-war Germany, i.e. Berlin or Vienna, and who were registered in the school after 1 January 1938. Pupils and teachers coming from outside Hamburg had to immediately register with the Gestapo in accordance with a consultation of 5.09.1938.

In the Pogrom Night of 9/10.11.1938 the teachers of the Talmud Tora School were arrested. Spier himself was committed to prison in the police station in Sedanstraße which joins Grindelallee from the west. Here he was pushed down some stairs. He suffered the consequences of this violence until his death.
After several days the arrested teachers were set free. Teaching was then resumed.

Frau P. from Israel, on a visit to Hamburg, gave the following account on 23.11.1983, regarding the course of events that took place outside the school on 10.11.1938:
She lived, with her mother, at No. 1 Dillstraße, directly opposite the school. She was at home this morning as a policeman had prevented her from attending the Girls' School in Carolinenstraße. Fathers who were waiting to collect their sons from school were arrested in the street. The mothers at home had then to wait several hours for the return of their sons.

Talmud Tora School, 1938 Abitur (GCE A Level) Class.

The "(Reichs-) Erlaß des Reichsministers für Erziehung und Unterricht über den Schulbesuch jüdischer Kinder" ("Decree of the Reich Minister of Education concerning the school attendance of "Jewish" children") of 15.11.1938, enacted the exclusion of all "Jewish" children from attending German schools. There were non-denominational and Christian boys among the 47 boys who were accordingly forced to register at the school, being designated as "Jews".

In the following months the Talmud Tora School was confronted with another problem resulting from the deportation of over 1,000 Polish Jews from Hamburg on 28.10.1938. Numerous children were left behind, alone and without means, in Hamburg.

Arthur Spier, teachers, and a number of other helpers, including the head of the orphanage, Raphael Plaut worked to get the children to England or Sweden. Spier accompanied such Kindertransports in December 1938 and March 1939. Spier travelled to London again on 8.08.1939 to negotiate the reception of further children. Gestapo Chief Göttsche issued Spier a certificate dated 7.07.1939 which stated that his reason for travel was in the "furtherance of emigration" abroad. It requested that his re-entry into Germany not be obstructed.

Kindertransport Children from Hamburg, June 1939 in England.

On 1.02.1939 a Kindertransport departed for Sweden.

In March 1983 Frau M., living in Seattle, USA, gave the following account of the Kindertransport to England in 1939 on which she sailed as a young girl:
The Kindertransport departed from Hamburg Central Railway Station. A young teacher from the Talmud Tora School, whose name she forgets, accompanied them. It was neither Spier nor Dr. Jonas. They arrived in Harrogate, a town in north Yorkshire, England. They lived in a rest home in Knaresborough Road that was evidently in Jewish ownership. The boys were accommodated in the city of Leeds.

New problems arose for the Talmud Tora School at Easter 1939. Due to financial problems the girls from the Mädchenschule der Deutsch-Israelitischen Gemeinde (Volks- und Realschule) (German Israelite Community Girls' School), at No. 35 Carolinenstraße had to move into the Talmud Tora School building. Until this time co-education had only taken place in the upper school of the Talmud Tora School. Despite the ammalgamation, there were fewer pupils attending the school as in the previous year. 729 pupils had attended the school in May 1938, 700 boys and 29 girls.

Finally, the now sole Jewish school in Hamburg also had to give up its building. In July 1939, Reichsstatthalter (Gauleiter = district head) Karl Kaufmann issued the order that teaching was no longer allowed to take place in the Talmud Tora School after the 1939 summer holidays. In September 1939, Spier informed the Gestapo that lessons had ceased. However, the Talmud Tora School transferred to the former Mädchenschule der Deutsch-Israelitischen Gemeinde at No. 35 Carolinenstraße. In the same year, i.e. 1939, both buildings at No. 30 and No. 38 Grindelhof became the property of the City of Hamburg. As the building at No. 35 Carolinenstraße offered insufficient space the building at No 30 Grindelhof was allowed to be used further until Spring 1940.

The Gestapo informed Spier in a letter dated 1.03.1940 that the Geheime Sicherheitsamt in Berlin (Chief of Gestapo and SD) had appointed Spier the Leiter des gesamten jüdischen Schulwesens im Reich (Head of the entire Jewish School System throughout the German Reich).
He was initially instructed to establish a universal Jewish education system in the Judenreservat Polen (Jewish Reservation in Poland), a reference to the Nazi intention of deporting all east-european Jews to a special settlement area near Lublin in Poland following the outbreak of the Second World War. More detailed instructions were to ensue following Spier's assumption of office, after his "return from abroad".

Spier was to travel to New York and obtain the necessary money for the planned reservation from the Warburg family. He obtained a letter of commendation from the Jüdischen Religionsverband (Jewish Religious Federation) in Hamburg. Göttsche was sure that Spier would return. However, Spier remained in New York.

Spier must have considered emigrating in 1939, as reports about him were submitted at this time.
A reference from the Jüdischen Religionsverband dated 10.01.1939 stated:
Herr Spier has "entirely" confirmed his reputation of being an "excellent school teacher" that preceded his appointment in Hamburg. He has the total confidence of the school board, staff and parents. It was no exaggeration to state that all the measures he took regarding the school were completely accepted, "without any opposition". His personal "conscientiosness" and "sense of duty" were an example to his colleagues and pupils. His "excellent memory" and the fact that he "precisely" knew the details, character and ability of "each" pupil were indispensable to his role as headteacher.

One of his "exception talents" was negotiating with government departments. It was an "eloquent testimonial" that he gained the "respect" and "confidence" of officials by leading these negotiations with "skill" and with a "particular understanding for the interests of the other side". In conclusion it stated: "his departure will be an irreparable loss to the school".

Pupils of the "Volks- und Höheren Schule für Juden" at a School Concert, 1940, section.

In 1940 the City of Hamburg acquired the buildings at No. 30 and No. 38 Grindelhof at their rateable value, and immediately housed the Hansischen Hochschule für Lehrerbuildung (Hansa Teacher Training College).

In 1943, No. 30 Grindelhof housed the Staatliche Berufspädagogische Institute (Vocational Training Institute) and an independent Lehrerinnenbildungsanstalt (Women Teachers' Training Institute). No. 38 Grindelhof housed the Hansischen Hochschule für Lehrerbuildung (Hansa Teacher Training College).

Frau W., in April 1982 in Hamburg, related that in 1939 No. 30 Grindelhof housed a state run Haushaltsschule (School of Domestic Science) and a Sicherheitsdienst (SHD) (Crisis Centre).

The buildings No. 30 and No. 38 Grindelhof also became deportation assembly buildings for the deportation of designated "Jews". The buildings functioned as such for three of the deportation transports, on 19.01.1944, 30.01.1945 and 14.02.1945 to Theresienstadt.
One of the deportees on the 19.01.1944 transport to Theresienstadt, and who survived, was:

Deportation Transport on 19.01.1944 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Ada, Sophie M. née W. 11.09.1878 Altona   Leinpfad

Her daughter, Frau M., gave the following account in 1984 in Hamburg. Her evidence confirms that this transport departed from the former Talmud Tora School.
"After being forced to vacate our flat, we three, my mother, my younger sister and I, lived in one large room of a villa. When I returned home from work on 18.01.1944 my mother showed me the order to present herself at the Talmud Tora School at 1 p.m. on the following day, i.e. 19.01.1944, for deportation. There were instructions as to what had to be taken and what was prohibited. She had received the order half an hour before my return from work and had not phoned me. I immediately notified my brother in Holsteinischen and my elder sister in Othmarschen. My sister came immediately and we began packing with help from all the others living in the house, (...). Finally, we went to bed dead tired and slept so deeply, our mother included, that we did not hear our brother ring the doorbell (...).

We finished packing the following morning. I brought a trolly from my firm and we took our mother, with sleeping bag and large rucksack, to the Talmud Tora School where the deportation transport was to assemble. We were able to spend a short time with her in front of the school. She knew many of the other women there who were to be deported with her. While many were in tears, my mother succeeded in cheering others with words of comfort. I had nothing but admiration for her. We knew that the deportation transport was destined for Theresienstadt, which had the reputation of being a model camp (...). At this time it was clear that the war would not continue for much longer. We took leave of one another (...) entirely confident that we would see each other again in the foreseeable future. It was almost a year and a half before she retuned to us. During this time she received all but one of our weekly parcels."

In response to a letter dated 9.02.1944 from the Reichsvereinigung der Juden in Deutschland (Reich Organization of Jews in Germany) complaining about the "exceptionally" high cost of the transport that departed on 19.01.1944 the representative of the organization in Hamburg, with its office at No. 22 Bornstraße submitted a detailed, itemized letter. It stated:
The total cost of the transport was RM 1,574.54, the sum of the following itemized costs:


       · Provisions, including hot food prior to departure:     RM 613.16       
       · Cost of travel:                                        RM 394.05
       · Medication:                                            RM 151.99
       · Fitting out of the waggons:                            RM 132.75
       · Timber for fitting out the waggons:                    RM 100.14 
When one compared the above expenses with earlier deportation transports from Hamburg to Theresienstaft the later transports were less costly than the earlier transports.
The above expenditure meant that the individual cost for the proposed 98 deportees would have been around RM 20, and for the actual 61 deportees around RM 25.

Three goods trucks were ordered by the "Aufsichtsbehörde" (Gestapo) to make up the transport, two for the transport and accommodation of the deportees, half a waggon for the luggage and half a waggon for the Gestapo escort. The establishment and fitting out were carried out as with earlier transports.

In regard to the travel costs, due to the prevailing transport difficulties and the short period of time available to the deportees, the deportees were not able to bring their own luggage. The luggage had to be brought from outlying suburbs with correspondingly high transport costs. The Gestapo set a transport deadline of only 24 hrs. Herr Dr. Max Plaut was informed of the transport at 11 a.m. on 18.01.1944. He was instructed to immediately arrange everything necessary so that the transport could punctually depart on the following day. The deportees had to present themselves at the assembly building at 1 p.m. the following day.

It is assumed that the transport on 30.01.1945 departed from the Talmud Tora School as either, former assembly buildings no longer existed (Nos 2, 4 and 6 Beneckestraße) or were too large (Provincial Masonic Lodge at No. 36 Moorweidenstraße) for the 19 deportees on this transport. When possible, the Gestapo normally used an assembly building again. The fact that the next and final transport on 14.02.1945 also departed from No. 30/38 Grindelhof supports this assumption.

The "Einsatzbefehlen" (work orders) presented to the deportees were practically identical, differing only in the time stated for reporting, i.e. 2 p.m. and 3 p.m. In view of the age of the deportees, seventeen being over the age of 65, there must have been doubt about the urgent need for "deployment of labour abroad". In contrast to the transport on 19.01.1944, the "work orders" for the transport on 30.01.1945 were issued seven days before departure.

"Einsatzbefehl" ("Employment Order") for Frau G. to appear at the Talmud Tora School on 14.02.1945.

Although protest and complaint and attempts at postponement had no effect, it was also possible to be deferred or exempted from this transport. Frau H. obtained deferral on grounds of health.
The last section of the "work order", i.e. "dauer Ihrer Abwesenheit" and "vorübergehende Unterbringung" ("for the duration of your absence" and "temporary accomodation"), was to give the illusion that the deportation was only a temporary measure. That the deportees had young children all of whom were termed "Mischlinge I. Grades" ("Mischlinge" ("half-castes") with two "volljüdischen" ("completely Jewish") grandparents were later always referred to as "Mischlinge 1. Grades" ("half-castes grade 1") or "Halbjuden" ("half Jewish")), indicates that the deportees were from "Mischehen" ("mixed marriages"). (In accordance with a decree from the Reichsinnenministers (Reich Home Secretary) of 26.04.1935 the term "Mischehen" ("mixed marriages") was only to be employed in the sense of "Rassen-Mischehe" ("racial mixed marriage"), and not for religious mixed-marriages).

This "Arbeitseinsatztransport" (labour transport) comprised 66 women and 128 men.

These last three deportation transports from Hamburg also departed from the former Hannöverscher Goods Station.

The following individuals are representative of those deported on these last three deportation transports:

Deportation Transport on 19.01.1944 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Apinianski, Weniamin 5.03.1894 Rawlograd   No. 22 Bornstraße
Bambus, Erich 15.05.1898 Hamburg   No. 23 Papendamm
Blohm, Grete 2.05.1886 Vellan   No. 64 Schlüterstraße
Hagenow, William 21.11.1871 Hamburg   No. 15 Rappstraße
Hecht, Dr. Felix 24.09.1883 Hamburg   No. 64 Schlüterstraße
Hinrichsen, Fanny 12.04.1874 Neustadt   No. 15 Rappstraße
London, Max 21.08.1885 Hamburg   No. 15 Rappstraße
Rohde, Ella, née Nathan 16.03.1870 Schwerin   No. 21 Grindelallee, House 3
Rühmke, Ella née Friedberg 1.09.1887 Hamburg   No. 15 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Schilling, Anna née Skrainka 28.02.1899 Disenz   No. 23 Papendamm
Schmidt, Veronika née Wiesenfeld 30.01.1874 Aschendorf   No. 22 Bornstraße
Stein, Josef 29.05.1868 Freudenthal   No. 22 Rappstraße
Wackwitz, Rieke Frieda 2.07.1882 Altona   No. 21 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Wagener, Wilh. Herm. 28.07.1875 Hamburg   No. 21 Grindelallee

Deportation Transport on 30.01.1945 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Biehl, Minna née Cohen 1.06.1776     No. 15 Rappstraße
Goldschmidt, Friedrich 9.02.1896     No. 3 Rappstraße
Knopp, Kurt 4.06.1896     No. 21 Grindelallee
Neustadt, Ursula 19.06.1925     No. 15 Rappstraße

Deportation Transport on 14.02.1945 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Frankenthal, Siegfried 28.02.1897 Hamburg   No. 19 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Jacobsohn, Leo 31.07.1888 Harburg   No. 4 Lerchenweg
Strelitz, Oscar 13.08.1900 Hamburg   No. 25a Rutschbahn, House 1
Vollweiler, Isidor 22.07.1886 Bewangen   No. 12 Kippingstraße

Of the 194 deportees of this last transport these four did not return.

No. 30 Grindelhof, 1987.

Today, the building at No. 30 Grindelhof houses the Fachhochschule Hamburg, Fachbereich Bibliothek und Information (University of Applied Science, Library and Information Management).
In 1981 the Department of Arts re-erected the former name of the school, i.e. Talmud Tora Realschule, which gives the impression that the building houses this school today as the unfortunate addition of the date 1911-1939 is not recognized.

A memorial plaque has been erected on the wall left of the main entrance. Unfortunately it makes no reference to the former headteachers of the school and their contributions or to the fate of the pupils following the compulsory closing of the school. Nor does it refer to the fact that between 1944-45 the building functioned as a deportation assembly building for more than 270 individuals, nor that more than 80 boy pupils of the school were transported to various ghettos and concentration camps.

In 1981 an additional plaque was erected on the stair-well, that lists the former teachers and pupils of the school who lost their lives during the First World War.
On 25.08.1981, No. 30 Grindelhof became a listed building under the protection of historical monuments.

No. 30 Grindelhof, Memorial Plaque, on the wall left of the Main Entrance.

No. 30 Grindelhof, Memorial Plaque, on the stair-well.

Today No. 38 Grindelhof houses the Europa-Kindergarten and a private residence.

More than 12 teachers and pupils of the former Talmud Tora School were deported. The following are named:

Deportation Transport on 25.10.1941 destination Lodz:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Rothschild, Rebecca 23.12.1897 Frankfurt Teacher No. 2 Klosterallee

Deportation Transport on 8.11.1941 destination Minsk:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Nachum, Emil 22.08.1893 Hamburg Retired Teacher No. 5 Grindelberg

Deportation Transport on 18.11.1941 destination Minsk:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Hirsch, Leopold 5.05.1896 Samter Teacher No. 134 Grindelallee

Deportation Transport on 6.12.1941 destination Riga:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Eldod, Naphtalie 3.02.1899 Höchberg Teacher No. 55 Ostmarkstraße
Streim, Ephraim 4.07.1903 Hamburg Teacher No. 184 Grindelallee

Deportation Transport on 11.07.1942 destination Auschwitz:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Hamburger, Julius 23.11.1910 Neu-Isenburg Teacher No. 3 Pappendamm
Kassel, Elisabeth 28.09.1891 Hamburg Teacher No. 21 grindelallee
Levi, Richard 7.03.1911 Essen Warehouse Worker No. 9 Hartungstraße
Roenbaum, Flora 6.11.1889 Fürth Teacher No. 35 Bundesstraße

Deportation Transport on 15.07.1942 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Toczek, Arthur 22.11.1908 Hindenburg O/S Teacher No. 4 Beneckestraße

Deportation Transport on 19.07.1942 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Occupation Last Address
Bacher, Dr. Walter Emil 30.06.1893 Halle A/S Assistant Master No. 56 Großneumarkt
Jonas, Dr. Alberto 19.02.1889 Dortmund Headteacher No. 39 Laufgraben

More than 80 boy pupils who attended the former school at No. 30/38 Grindelhof, at No. 35 Carolinenstraße or finally No. 3 Papendamm were deported. The following are named:

Deportation Transport on 25.10.1941 destination Lodz:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Behrens, Alfred 7.09.1935 Hamburg   No. 4 Beneckestraße
Beith, Günther 14.06.1933 Hamburg   No. 11 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Beith, Harold 19.10.1927 Hamburg   No. 11 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Haas, Manfred 5.03.1930 Hamburg   No. 29 Mittelweg
Hermannsen, Julius 27.11.1930 Hamburg School Pupil No. 3 Pappendamm
Hirsch, Rolf 15.11.1934 Hamburg   No. 13 Rappstraße
Kopf, Erwin 18.12.1932     No. 3 Pappendamm
Kopf, Peter 9.06.1929     No. 3 Pappendamm
Nicinski, Hermann 30.03.1928 Flensburg School Pupil No. 8 Durchschnitt
Pippersberg, Gerd 30.10.1931 Hamburg School Pupil No. 68 Grindelallee
Rudolf, Fred 25.01.1930 Hamburg   No. 36 Rentzelstraße

Deportation Transport on 8.11.1941 destination Minsk:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Hoffmann, Walter 25.04.1930 Hamburg   No. 13 Rappstraße
Levinson, Erwin 3.09.1929 Hamburg   No. 21 Dillstraße, Cellar
Pilatus, Günther 22.03.1931 Hamburg   No. 15 Rutschbahn
Seelig, Gert 24.05.1927 Stettin School Pupil No. 2 Grindelhof
von der Walde, Rafael 30.06.1932 Emden   No. 3 Pappendamm
Wittmund, Arnold 21.12.1929 Hamburg School Pupil No. 32 Kleiner Schäferkamp
Wittmund, Felix 22.01.1931 Hamburg   No. 32 Kleiner Schäferkamp

Deportation Transport on 18.11.1941 destination Minsk:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Herz, Manfred 31.03.1933 Bielefeld   No. 21a Grindelallee
Helle, Oskar 10.06.1933 Hamburg   No. 3 Pappendamm
Hirsch, Heinz 2.04.1935 Hamburg   No. 12 Rutschbahn
Keibel, Hans 7.07.1933 Hamburg   No. 8 Durchschnitt

Deportation Transport on 6.12.1941 destination Riga:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Eldod, Walter Samuel 27.08.1934 Hamburg   No. 55 Ostmarkstraße
Schlesinger, David 9.01.1930 Hamburg   No. 1 Durchschnitt
Szpic, Egon 5.02.1934 Neumünster   No. 6 Beneckestraße
Szpic, Hans 22.12.1929 Barmen   No. 6 Beneckestraße

Deportation Transport on 11.07.1942 destination Auschwitz:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Block, Karl-Heinz 9.02.1933 Hamburg   No. 3 Pappendamm
Kloss, Helmut 20.11.1929 Berlin   No. 8 Heinrich-Barth-Straße
Wiener, John 10.12.1933 Hamburg   No. 16 Bornstraße

Deportation Transport on 15.07.1942 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Borchardt, Claus Jürgen 8.05.1926 Hamburg   No. 8 Durchschnitt

Deportation Transport on 19.07.1942 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Brauer, Günter 17.10.1925 Kattowitz   No. 15 Dillstraße
Streim, Kurt Salo 12.04.1927 Hamburg   No. 15 Dillstraße
Streim, Werner 15.11.1930 Hamburg   No. 15 Dillstraße

Deportation Transport on 24.02.1943 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Wittkowski, Heinz 18.06.1930 Hamburg   No. 25a Rutschbahn

Deportation Transport on 5.05.1943 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Frankenthal, Hans 16.09.1925 Hamburg   No. 19 Heinrich-Barth-Straße

Deportation Transport on 23.06.1943 destination Theresienstadt:

Name Date of Birth Place of Birth Status Last Address
Gottschalk, Ernst 24.04.1928 Emden   No. 4 Beneckestraße
Gottschalk, Hermann 10.08.1926 Emden   No. 4 Beneckestraße


German text: Dipl.-Pol. Wilhelm Mosel, Deutsch-Jüdische Gesellschaft, Hamburg.